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Thread: The End Of Dictador Islamic Republic (Election fraud)

  1. #501
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    Reporting from Tehran and Beirut -- There are no formal organizers and no leader has called on followers to join in. But in cities across Iran, thousands of people are planning to silently march Thursday in unauthorized demonstrations.

    The protesters intend to show their discontent over the reelection last month of President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad and commemorate the 10th anniversary of a violent confrontation between students and security forces.
    According to one circular passed around on the Internet, demonstrations are planned in more than 200 Iranian cities and towns around the country. Detailed maps of gathering points and meeting places have been circulating for days, even though opposition leader Mir-Hossein Mousavi has called for an end to public protests.

    Tehran police chief Gen. Esmail Ahmadi-Moqaddam vowed Wednesday in a statement broadcast on state television that his forces would confront any demonstration, and some officials warned that the Revolutionary Guard would be deployed to back anti-riot police and pro-government Basiji militiamen.

    But many in Iran say they will go ahead with the demonstrations anyway.


    "A virtual campaign is in full force, and nobody is able to keep it in check," said one announcement, advising protesters to carry no weapon heavier than a rose.

    "I'm going to go because it's important to keep on resisting," said one 29-year-old woman in Tehran, speaking on condition of anonymity. "It's a gesture of hope."

    Farzad, a 28-year-old unemployed engineer in Tehran, said he and scores of friends were determined to take to the streets. He will bring a vinegar-soaked rag to ward off the effects of tear gas and said he is ready to be beaten, chased or even jailed for a couple weeks.

    "I am a mountaineer and fit to run fast in case I am chased by the militias or anti-riot police," said Farzad, who spoke on condition his last name not be published. "The authorities must see us. . . . I have to take to the streets tomorrow."

    Ahmadinejad's reelection June 12, marred by opposition allegations of massive vote-rigging, has created the biggest political rift within the Islamic Republic since the first years after the 1979 revolution. A movement built on Mousavi's presidential campaign continues to challenge authorities, who have attempted to crush dissent by beating and jailing protesters.

    On Wednesday, a prosecutor said that 500 of 2,500 people arrested in weeks of unrest remain in jail.

    Informal organizers of Thursday's gatherings have warned protesters to dress modestly, avoid wearing makeup, keep valuables at home and brace for confrontations with the authorities.

    Those skittish about heading to the streets are being encouraged to drive around honk their horns, as many families did during 2003 commemorations of the 1999 confrontation between students and authorities. Before this year's election, that student rebellion had been the most aggressive challenge to authorities since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

    If nothing else, organizers are urging supporters to just walk around the city. "Your presence on the sidewalks encourages peaceful demonstrators," said a set of instructions posted to the Facebook page of a group supporting Mousavi.

    Solidarity rallies are also being planned in Europe and North America, including in front of the federal building in Los Angeles, at New York's Washington Square Park and Washington's Freedom Plaza, according to numerous websites and mass e-mails.

    "Always bear in mind the objective: A lawful movement for regaining our sovereign rights in the presidential election," the Facebook page said. "Shout out Islamic slogans in a bid to strike a severe blow to violence-seekers who suppress Muslims under cover of religion. You are struggling for freedom, spirituality and human rights."




  2. #502
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    پیدا کردن غسالخانه بهشت زهرا کار سختی نیست. به ویژه اگر زنان سیاهپوش زیادی چشمت را هدایت کنند. خیلی ها آمده اند. صبح زود راه افتاده اند تا راس ساعت 8 صبح در غسالخانه بهشت زهرا باشند. تا جا نمانند. تا در مراسم تشییع سهرابشان، حضوری در خور داشته باشند. نام سهراب نام کمی در فرهنگ ایرانیان نیست. به قول دوستی چه خاصیتی در اسم ها نهفته است که تاریخ خودش را هی در آنها تکرار می کند؟

    همه در حال پچ پچ اند. فعالان مختلف جنبش زنان، چهره هایی از سینما و ادبیات، مادران صلح، بچه های کمپین یک میلیون، دانشجویان، دوستان سهراب و البته خانواده اش که گه گاه صدایشان بلند می شود. صدایی که فقط پرسشگر است؛: "چرا؟" "سهراب چه کرده بود؟" "چرا دروغ؟ چرا همان موقع نگفتید؟ چرا بازی مان دادید؟" و... پرسشهایی که پاسخش، اشک آرام زنان و مردانی است که اینجا، ساعت 8 صبح، در غسالخانه بهشت زهرا، به خاطر پروین فهیمی و سهرابش آمده اند و به خاطر همه جوانهایی که نشد حتا برایشان آهی بلند کشید. سرها در هم تکرارکنان شرح آن 26 روز و سرگردانی پروین را توضیح می دهند. و کمی آن طرف تر موتورسوارهایی را می بینی که دور می زنند و زیاد هم نزدیک می آیند و باز آنسوتر، سبزپوشان نیروی انتظامی هم چشم را می خوانند. خبرها زود دهان به دهان می پیچد : " گفته اند حتا الله اکبر نگویید!"



    همسایه جدید ندا در قطعه 257

    وقتی مراحل اداری تحویل جنازه ای تمام می شود، نام فوت شده را از بلندگو می خوانند تا خانواده اش برای تحویل گرفتن بروند. خیلی پیشتر از خواندن نام سهراب، مادرش، پروین در آغوش زنان دور و برش از حال رفته است. اما نام سهراب، فارغ از تهدیدها، فریاد الله اکبر جمعیت را به آسمان بهشت زهرا می برد. سهراب را بر دست می برند تا نمازگذاران بر او نماز بگذارند.

    و از آنجا راهی قطعه 257 می شویم. جایی که بیست قدم آن سو تر ندا صالحی آقاسلطان، زیر تلی خاک و گلدسته هایی که زیر آفتاب تند تموز هنوز جان دارند، خوابیده است. دوستی زیر لب زمزمه می کند : عزا عزاست امروز، روز عزاست امروز، ندای آقا سلطان صاحب عزاست امروز... اما جایی برای سردادن شعار نیست. وقتی الله اکبر نمی توان گفت، شعر و شعار را درنیامده، سر می برند. اما در همان حینی که سهراب را در خاک می گذراند، پسری میکروفون را به دست می گیرد و در میان حیرت حاضران می گوید:من سهراب و مادرش را از نزدیک نمی شناسم. اما [خواندن] این شعر را تقدیم می کنم به کسی که قلب سهراب را نشانه رفت. و سپس می خواند :

    صحبت از پژمردن یک برگ نیست/ فرض کن مرگ قناری در قفس هم مرگ نیست/ وای جنگل را بیابان می کنند/ دست خون آلود را در پیش چشم خلق پنهان می کنند/ هیچ حیوانی به حیوانی نمی دارد روا، آنچه این نامردمان با جان انسان می کنند.

    سهراب را به خاک می سپارند. مادرش در وداع با او با صدای لرزان و بدون استفاده از بلندگو رو به جمع می گوید: پسرم را کشتند. 26 روز به من گفتند در اوین است. پسرم را کشتند.

    "ای وای، ای وای" پروین را جمعیت، با صدای بلند همراهی می کند. عده ای معترض می گویند سکوت کنید. و عده ای دیگر معترض تر که : حتا نگوییم "ای وای"؟!

    یکی از بستگان سهراب از بلندگو اعلام می کند که خانواده، هیچ مراسمی برای سهراب نخواهند داشت. صدا از کسی بر نمی آید. اما اگر دقیق تر گوش کنی شاید صدای تند تپشهای قلب را بشنوی.

    ساعت حدود 10.30 از بلندگو با لحنی که کمی تندتر برای تسلا دادن به خانواده ای داغدیده است، اعلام می کنند که متفرق شوید ! دوستی با دست اشاره می کند که : آن دو ون خالی پلیس را می بینی؟ می بینم و پیشتر هم دیده ام. مامورانی را هم که در جمع دیده بر داغداران دوخته اند، دیده ام. اما از اشک چه گزارشی می شود داد؟ جز همین که ما هم داریم می نویسیم؟! بگذار انها هم گزارش کنند تعزیه سهراب کشون را.

    جمعیت گریان، یک یک راهی خاک ساده و تنهای ندا می شوند تا فاتحه ای و پچ پچ خفته ای در گوش خاک.



    شام غریبان

    مراسمی در کار نیست، این جمله را همه شنیده ایم. اما هیچ یک از ما اینطور برداشت نکرده ایم که ما نیز مراسمی نخواهیم داشت. همه می دانیم این دستور، تکلیفی است برخانواده های عزادار، نه برای مردمی که برای همدلی منتظر دستور نمی مانند. بنابراین خبرها خیلی زود دهان به دهان منتشر می شود: امشب شام غریبان سهراب است، ادامه تعزیه برای سهراب کشون.

    از سر بلوکی که خانه سهراب در یکی از مجموعه های مسکونی آن زندگی می کرد، جوانهای محل و دوستانش و کسانی که دوستش داشتند، مسیر را تا خانه سهراب با شمع روشن کرده اند. در کوچه مردم زیادی ایستاده اند. در، ورودی ساختمان و مقابل در خانه و نیز داخل آن جمعیت در حال آمد و شدند. پروین عزادار، گاه به جای اینکه تسلا بشنود، تسلا می دهد. هم عزادار است و هم نگران. اما در نگاهش آرامشی خاکستر شده ته نشین می شود. آرامشی که انگار می گوید پسرم بعد از نزدیک یک ماه، امشب آرام می خوابد. در نگاه پروین، اشک کم آورده است.

    اگر در مراسم تشییع، حضور هنرمندانی چون رخشان بنی اعتماد و نویسندگان و روزنامه نگاران و فعالان جنبش زنان دلگرم کننده است، اینجا در این خانه ماتم زده هم شمس لنگرودی و فرزانه طاهری و باز جنبشی ها و چهره های دیگری آمده اند برای تسلیت. چهره هایی که شاید درد مشترک، غم پروین را برای آنها ملموس تر کرده است. فخرالسادات محتشمی پور و زهره آقاجری از آن جمله اند.

    ساعت نزدیک 10، پروین فهیمی نگران به کوچه می آید، جایی که تعداد زیادی از مهمانانش منتظر شروع زمان الله اکبر گفتن اند. او آرام و مهربان از جمع خواهش می کند که بروند. می گوید که نگران آنهاست. نگران ما. و دسته های گلی را که برایش برده اند به کوچه آورده است و شاخه شاخه بدرقه راه مهمان ها می کند. عده ای می روند و عده ای می مانند. آنها از همان جنس سهرابند. جنسی که "دستور" را برنمی تابد. ساعت ده می شود و طنین الله اکبر از کوچه نیلوفر آسمان شب را می لرزاند.




  3. #503
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    More than one month has passed since the ruling faction of the Islamic Republic tried to silence all voices of dissent by rigging the election results and staging a semi coup-d’etat. By now it looks like a large portion of young Iranians have come to share the views that many intellectuals and progressive forces have had since before the elections: a regime which is founded on injustice and fear is not reformable; a view that reflects the realities of the streets of Iran today.

    Meanwhile, the so-called reformists and their supporters outside Iran, who had received a severe blow on the night of the elections, saw their game of haggling within the system completely crushed and ruled out by the Supreme Leader. Completely dejected, their actions were limited to sending a few sarcastic messages here and there.

    The people, on the other hand, did the undoable. The day after the Supreme Leader threatened the protesters with harsh consequences - namely bullets for those who dared to go out - they took to the streets by the hundreds of thousands, brushing aside the games of the two defeated candidates, and paid for it with their lives in order to change history.

    Before the protest, the Moussavi camp was denying rumors of their participation in it, and instead went to the same authorities who had organized the coup, asking for an official permit for a rally.

    To finish off the reformists, the Ahmadinejad-Khamenei gang had a new trick; they threatened the reformists with total elimination from the political scene, in order to have them step out of the arena voluntarily.

    After Rafsanjani deviously thanked the Supreme Leader for his efforts, after the ridiculous show of ballot recount and result certification by the Guardian Council, and especially after their unsuccessful attempt that resulted in only recruiting 3 Ayatollahs to help their cause, the Association of the Combatant Clergy finally gave up and, in a statement to the people, called for calm, in order to salvage the game by getting back some of their detained members.

    In a similar message, Moussavi called for calm and warned people not to be deceived by slogans targeting the fundamentals of the Regime, and to limit their demands for a redo of the elections. In an attempt to remain in the political scene, and to keep his positions in various political and cultural establishments, he even emphasized that this is a fight within the family, and outsiders that should not be allowed in.

    Mehdi Karoubi, the other defeated candidate, also called for calm and asked people to return to their houses, but the “Sheikh of Reform”, as he is called, was naïve enough to blame himself for not listening to those intellectuals who had warned him about the futility of the elections and the will of the ruling faction to accept its results.
    The people, however, came down to the streets on the 20th of June and selflessly fought the Basij, Revolutionary Guard, and all other security forces of the ruling regime. Along the way, they learned that what they can achieve on the street scenes could never be achieved with outdated political games.

    Here are some of the most important characteristics of the June uprising:

    1. The middle class, who has played a very important role in the protest and its organization, is one step from retreat, and one step to the revolution. The direction of its step will be determined by its success or defeat in bringing the more progressive parts of the bourgeoisie as well as the lower classes to its side.

    Only if they silence all protest voices and successfully push the rival camp in the sidelines will Ahmadinejad and Khamenei’s lunatic curveball election results survive. Under these circumstances, any further dissent will trigger more lunatic plans on their part. This will, in turn, push the political tension beyond the brink in a society that is increasingly seeking its fate on the street scenes and not behind closed doors. By the time Khamenei has heard the voice of the revolution, even sacrificing some of his accomplices will not do him any good.

    By taking the initiative into their own hands, and not allowing it to remain within the petty games of the two political factions, the people can disorient both factions and the regime’s repressive apparatus. This will unite their movement even further.

    The repressive apparatus of the regime is dependant on human forces who break quickly under pressure. The continuation of the demonstrations, protest, strikes and all other new popular initiatives will break apart this machine regardless of its size and cruelty. After a while, we will witness the disobedience and desertion among their ranks. Unlike the people who are supporting each other, the police and the security forces of the regime are physically tired and emotionally consumed. Their motivation to confront people will diminish in time and the humane behavior of the brave young Iranians will accelerate their desertion.

    The ruling faction took a risk that has put it in a lose-lose situation. If they can successfully suppress close to 40 million people, the movement will go underground. Sooner or later the generation who has experienced violent street protest and does not fear guns anymore will bring down the foundations of the regime. If, on the other hand, the large rallies and other forms of popular unrest go on and end up mobilizing all political classes, and finally a general strike happens, it will spell the speedy end of the regime.

    The working classes will only enter the fight if they realize there is place for their radical demands in it. The upper classes will only directly confront the regime if they are assured if a speedy victory and are guaranteed of better economical and political interests. Therefore the middle class has no way but to remain in the streets.

    the progressive and radical forces within the urban middle class has to chose between taking the leadership of the movement and its transition to a progressive revolution or like in 1979 wait for savior to take the lead. The 30 years of Khomeini has only brought about misery for people hence it will not be wise to wait for another savior to come along.

    the progressive forces should draw a clear line between themselves and the all kinds of reactionary, religious or accidental dissidents. They should not allow the 1979 to repeat itself when the opportunistic clergy was preaching unity to defeat the shah but in the back room was plotting to eliminate all other forces.

    Progressive forces must seriously spread information, deepen theoretical understanding and confront the pundits of both factions of the regime inside and outside Iran. They should use every opportunity to promote alternative ideas and put a leash on the common superficiality, lack of persistency, banality and constant need of a savior among the middle classes.

    To my view the present uprising although radicalizing by day is still few steps away from becoming a revolution. The same distance it has from accepting the coup and going quiet for a while. The uprising has opened a new chapter in out fight for democracy and its transition to our final battle.
    In his 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonapart, Marx argues that bourgeoisie tries to bring to its side every change and every force generating change. In the midst of chaotic and unplanned fights calling for calm, hero making and ??? has always been a reformist action plan.
    Reformists by nature act always like the fifth wheel of car in a society that wants to move forward. Most of the times their absence is better than their presence.

    The reality is that after 20th of June 2009 the time of hope in reform has come to an end.the only hope the fearful heads of the regime have now is the lack of revolutionary forces on the ground and the low level of public awareness which has been caused by years of repression and censorship. But the revolutionary conditions that we are witnessing are very innovative and resourceful. There is great possibility that an alternative will be born out the street battlegrounds and from inside the factories and universities. An alternative that could represent the progressive aspirations of people.

    Many people believe we have entered a point of no return and those of us who are fighting the IR gunmen on the streets will open a new chapter in the Iranian history in a final battle.




  4. #504
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    Paris Bank Melli plastered

    Green protesters stick slogans on window





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    More than 100 killed
    Confirmed casualties of recent protests according to the reformist camp





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    Mohammad Reza Ali-Zamani
    Sentenced to death following "confessions" at show trial

    TEHRAN (Reuters) - An Iranian court has sentenced to death a man who took part in opposition protests over a disputed election in June, a reformist website reported on Thursday. Mowjcamp, which gave no source for the report, said Mohammad-Reza Ali-Zamani was informed of the verdict on Monday. It did not give details about the charges against him. Ali-Zamani was among more than 100 opposition supporters, including senior reformist figures, who were accused of fomenting post-election street unrest in a series of mass trials that got under way in August. A semi-official news agency, Mehr, said in August he was accused of fighting against the Islamic establishment and active membership of a "terrorist" monarchist association, and other crimes. There was no immediate comment from the authorities. There have been no other reports of death sentences issued against people involved in huge demonstrations that erupted after the poll, which the opposition says was rigged to secure the re-election of hardline President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad.




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    Intellectuals & the Green Movement
    Interview with New York University Political Science Proessor Ali Mirsepassi

    In an interview with Hamid Dabashi, Mirsepassi discusses the role of Iranian intellectuals in the Green Movement and the roots of the movement in Iranian society.

    http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WcbvE4NKD_k




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